During earlier times in the Cordillera highlands of Ifugao, there were no
playgrounds and parks where children could spend their leisure time
playing. There were no roads, bridges and
schools then. Only trails, the “payo”
(rice fields) and “habal” (slash and burn agriculture) and the wilderness that
are basic institutions for learning the basics of life.
Mun
ba’nong
Ha’bal or slash and burn agriculture
mun'a'ladu
The space under the native house called “da-ulon” and the adjacent areas
surrounding the house called “aldat-tan” are basically the first known playpen
for children of all ages. The numerous
intersecting trails that lead to the vast wilderness serve as the extension for
learning basic skills.
al’dat’tan
Early
Ifugao children have the “yok-ka” which is equivalent to the present day
“children’s swing seat”. “yok-ka” is a
“tuwali” word for swinging to and fro in any suspended object, usually a vine
or a “lituku” (rattan palm) clinging to a tree. The player hangs and grasps firmly the
suspended object with both hands, and from an elevated platform, pushes himself
forward. The player, after reaching the
end of the pendulum, returns to the starting point. The cycle goes on until external interference
or drag brings it to a halt.
Children
always find leisure in catching dragon flies with the use of bird lime or
“pu’-kot”. With the use of a bolo
(o’tak), a cut away is made on the bark of a jack fruit (ka’kaw) enabling the
white sap to come out and become sticky.
The sticky residue which is the “pu’-kot” is gathered (litigon) by use
of twigs or coconut midrib (ba-ing). The
“ba-ing” or twig with the “pu’-kot” on it is placed on the end of a mountain
red (bi’la’u’) allowing a farther reach to the unsuspecting dragonfly Out in the grassy area or rice paddy dikes,
children go out to catch dragon flies.
Dragon
flies are categorized in the “tuwali”
dialect as follows: “du’-u’-ti – small grey dragon flies; “bal-la-hang” – red
and yellow colored dragon flies; “bug-gan” – orange colored dragon flies that
stays stationary in midair for an indefinite time; the “bon-ngot” – medium size
grey dragon flies and “bang’gu’luwan” the biggest giant dragon flies. Children do not bother the strange looking
damselflies that are found in springs with the belief that they are pets of
unseen spirits and deities.
Older
children who baby sits (mun’a’dug) their younger siblings are also engaged in other
leisure. The “pan’ni’til” will be one of
the numerous “traditional games” that is fitted for a “mun’a’dug”. “Pan’ni’til”
is the “tuwali” word for entangle. The
game makes use of the flower of an endemic grass about two to three feet
tall. The flower looks like a round small
lollipop which is a few centimeters in diameter. It has a peduncle which is about one to three
inches long. It is green in color but becomes dull gray to
black when mature. This grass grows
abundantly in the “aldat’tan”. It is the
flower that the children would gather to play the “pan’ni’til”. The playing pair, holding the flower by the
peduncle, entangles and locks the lollipop like heads and pull. One of the flowers’ head would sever and
fall. One flower after another replaces
the looser as the game continues. Some
children uses the “o’ban” in securing their subjects. The “o’ban” is a blanket
or cloth that is used to strap or secure a baby in the care giver’s body. The baby could be placed either in front or
at the back.
Entangled lollipop look alike flowers for the pan’ni’til
game
These
are the three common beetles in the highlands of Ifugao that children play with. The “abal-abal” or “salagubang in low lands;
the “ang’gi’giya”, brown beetle that
lives underground and a metallic black or green colored beetle that children call “ling’nga’ling”. The “abal’abal” is gathered by shaking tree
branches. The “ang’gi’giya” is dug on
the soft soil under tree trunks and banana plants and the rare “ling’nga’ling”
is caught when it flies near you. To
play with these beetles, a string or thread is tied to the hind legs and let
the insect fly while the child secures the string. Children would also let the beetles engage
in a pushing or pulling matches. The
wings are locked at the end of a bamboo stick with splits. Beetles locked facing each other would go for
a pushing match while locked opposite each other would go for a pulling match.
Abal’abal ling’nga’ling
During
those earlier days, children copied from low land children, two spiders (ka’kaw’wa)
pitted against each other on a coconut midrib held by the hand of the
players. The spiders engage each other
until one falls off the coconut midrib. The
spider who falls from the coconut midrib is the looser while the one that
remained is the winner.
Ka’kaw’wa
(spider)
Out in the “pa-yo”(rice fields), children would gather fish, shells,
crustaceans and other edible things. “Tuwali” folks call this “mang’dut”. The gathered things are placed in a bamboo
node container called “al-la-win” tied around the hip of the gatherer. A hand
held fish trap called “kat-tad” is used by early Ifugaos to catch mud fish
(dolog). The “kat-tad” has opened ends,
however the base (approx 2 ft in diameter) is larger than the top (approx
1.75 ft in diameter). It is made up of bamboo strips fastened by
rattan cords on bamboo rings, one in the base, middle and on the top. The “kat’tad” is carried by one hand and
placed down in the paddy floor at random.
When the “kat’tad” has a catch, the stunned fish will bump the walls giving
a jerking sensation, thus implying a catch.
With one hand, the fish is caught
and brought out through the top end.
Kat’tad
ma’ngat’tad
Another fish trap endemic to early Ifugaos is the “gu’bu”. It is made up of spited bamboo and fastened
up by rattan strips. It is cylindrical
in shape and more or less feet long. It
is about five to six inches to one foot in diameter depending on the maker. It has an opened end secured with a bamboo
node which allows the catch to be removed.
It has a small round opening not bigger than an inch. Pointed bamboo strips are positioned inward
in the opening to prevent catch fishes from getting out. “Bu-bud” or refuse from the fermented rice
in making rice wine (ba’ya) is placed inside the fish trap as bait. It is submerged in the rice paddies with the
open end a few centimeters above the mud.
The “gu’bu” is intended for the “yu’yu” (tuwali)
Gu’bu
Another method of catching the “yu’yu”
is by the use of the “dol’ak” (tuwali) or particular vines and tree barks that
forces out the stunned “yu’yu” to surface.
Said vines and barks are taken in the forest, beaten to pulp and
submerged in water opening that goes into the intended field. Water carries the sap of the vine into the
entire field. As soon as the “yu’yu”
surfaces, it is gathered. Entry of
additional fresh water would dilute the water to enable the stunned fish to
recover. The vine is not toxic to
human.
Rivers, lakes, and other bodies of water are other places where children
learn basic native crafts.
“Mun-halop” is a “tuwali” word signifying a method of catching fish in brooks
and rivers using the method used in the rice field “gu’bu”. The
opening of the trap however is placed towards the flow of the water. The targeted fish is the small “ug’ga’diw”
(less than an inch long) which has the nature of following the water
upstream. The fish trap is basically made up bamboo
nodes. Splits are made on one end making
it possible to be expanded like a funnel by use of rattan twines. The other open end is the base which is
secured by another bamboo node which could be removed when getting the
catch. The size and length varies
depending on where the fish trap is emplaced.
This trap is also emplaced against the flow of water on dikes and
brooks. Fishes crabs and crustaceans
that go with the flow of water are caught in the trap. “Ma’mun’wit” is catching fish through the use
of fish hooks and line. The earthworm
and frogs are used as bait on this method.
Fresh water crabs is the main ingredient In the “bi’nayu an pu’hun di ba’lat”,
one of the native delicacy of earlier folks.
The freshwater crabs are wrapped in banana leaves and left to ferment
for three days. By the time the crabs
are brought out, it has a disagreeable odor.
Needless, the hard shell is removed.
The softer and crunchy parts are mixed in prepared banana blossoms through
pounding on native mortar (lu’hung) until it turns into paste. Catching fresh water crabs is a pastime for
children. The crabs are caught either with bare hands in crevices of the rocks
or catching them at night as these nocturnal crustaceans come out from their
hiding places. Early folks uses torch
made up of dried bamboo or reeds.
As soon as a boy could buckle up a bolo, joins his elders trekking the
wilderness. On these occasions, basic native
skills are taught by the elders. In a short while, children being familiar with
the terrain, go on by themselves, basically to gather firewood (ma’nga’iw) and to
gather edible plants to be served as side dish.
Balang’bang fruit
With the aid of small but tenacious native dogs, boys go in groups to
hunt in the forest. Tuwali folks call
this “mun-a’nup” or basically hunting.
The dogs finding their prey, corner them in tree tops or areas where the
game cannot escape until the hunter arrives and finishes or catches the game. Hunting basically encompasses learning the techniques of laying traps for
birds and small animals. “Mun-hu’lu” is
using the “u’-nut” which is the sturdy black fibers taken from a palm that have
natural beautiful trimmed leaves. The
black fibers are made into a loop that catches an unsuspecting bird that goes
into the trap. The “hu’lu” is placed
strategically on birds’ trails (ho’bang).
It is also used to trap the monitor lizard (ban’niya) squirrels
(amu’nin) and other smaller games, although the material used for the tap is
the “u’-we” or customized rattan thongs.
Another type of bird trap using the “u’nut” is the “ka’tig”. It is a series of loops arranged up in a tree
branch where an unsuspecting birds is trapped when it lands to feed on
fruits. The “ap’pad” and “li’ngon” are
also bird traps using bent bamboo or tree branches that spring up when
triggered by an unsuspecting bird.
While the two traps are same in principle, the “ap’pad” is laid on the ground while the “li’ngon” is
constructed above the ground. Using the
bird lime (pu’kot) is another method of catching birds. The birdlime is made from the sap of endemic
trees like the “pa-kak” (bread fruit), alimit, to’bak and many other sap
producing trees. By making a cut on the
bark, the sap flows out into a bamboo node prepared for the purpose. The gathered sap is heated until it reaches
the correct viscosity. It is placed on
twigs where an unsuspecting bird that lands is caught. The “liyok” or winged termite is used as the
bait. Early folks use the “bi’tu” to
catch larger game like the boar or the deer.
A “bi’tu” is basically a hole dug on the ground, covered and
camouflaged. An unsuspecting animal that
passes on the trap falls into the hole.
Sharp bamboo spikes or “hu-ga” in the Tuwali dialect are planted in the
hole to further immobilize the catch.
Ifugao folks gather the “al-laga” or edible red ants that build their
homes up in the tree tops for food.
Ifugao Amu’nin
The “lat’tik” or “pal’si’it” in the “Iocano dialect”
(sling shot) came about. This is no less
than a strip of rubber fixed to a Y-shaped branch and customized leather
scavenged from worn out shoes that serves as the pouch for the projectile. Small stones, preferably smooth and round
ones, are used as projectiles. Holding
the Y-frame with one hand and stretching the rubber strip with another with a
stone in the pouch and releasing it to a target, makes the “lat’tik” a potent
toy. The “lat’tik” which is normally found
looped around children’s neck is a handy tool for hunting.
Lat’tik
“Ahi-ani” or harvest
season in the “tuwali” dialect is the season when the palay is harvested. This season usually takes place every June to
July.
Ahi a’ni (harvest)
Ga’mu’lang
Harvested Palay Sheaf
(nab’tok an Pa’ge)
Mun ba’ta’wil
Mun ba’ta’wil
Customary Ho’nga’n
di Pa’ge Ritual during harvest season
Ti’ngab containing the bu’ga (black stones) nd pa’lipal (bamboo clapper
as paraphernalia for the bu’lul
Bu’lul – Ifugao granary deity
As part of the preparation “Tuwali” farmers
prepare the “botok” or bundling cord for the “pa-ge” (harvested “palay”
sheaf). The “pun-botok” (bundling
cord) is a specially prepared bamboo strips measuring approximately 1/4 of a
centimeter thick, a centimeter in width and about a foot in length or the
length of the inter-node suggests the length of the bundling cord. The choice of material is the wild bamboo
variety called “a’no”. This wild bamboo variety
climbs up and dominates portions of the forest floor or forms a thicket on
brooks and small waterways. Choice stems
are gathered and cut by inter-node. It
is sliced lengthwise into four. The
inner soft part of the culm is removed.
The maker who is usually in a squatting position or sitting in a
“dalapong” (one-piece stool about six inches tall), firmly grasps one end while carefully
stripping the “botok” piece by piece with the use of a sharp knife. This taxing process is called “mangul’yun” in
the tuwali dialect. The maker occasionally shift his stripping on the other
side until what remains is a pentagon shape with a tail.
This is called the “pa’to”. Children would gather the “pa’to” and use it
as a dart in a competing thrown distance.
The “pa’to” is thrown by holding the end of the tail and spinning it
overhead or above the shoulder. It is
released forward with the tail acting as the balance.
Another variation of
this distance throwing game is the use of the “ug’gub”. The “ug’gub” is the young shoot of a
mountain reed (bila-u’). Before the “ug’gub”
is thrown, the player holds it by this fingers to where it balanced. Then bending back the elbow, jerks it
briskly forward releasing the dart. It
could also be thrown similar to the throwing of a spear.
The traditional “Bak-le” or rice festival, marks that the end of the
harvest season (ahi-ani) and the “kiwang” season is at hand.
Pounding the rice with the customary 3 pounders during the bakle fetival.
As women folks participate in the rice pounding
The customary bakle rituals
After the “tungo” (customary day
of idleness) is over, farmers start cleaning the rice fields for vegetable
plating. Weeds, grasses and rice stalks that are left after the harvest are cut
and piled in a mound in the watered rice field. Tuwali folks call this “ping-kol”. The
mound is about two feet high and more or less two feet in diameter to be
planted with variety of vegetables. During earlier times, no organic fertilizer
or insecticide of any kind is used on the planted vegetable.
Only in
Ifugao – the traditional Ping’kol
It is at this time of season that children mimic the primary chores of a
farming village - playing with
miniature rice fields. With bare hands,
children carve out from the mud miniature rice fields. Plants, tadpoles and other aquatic creatures
are gathered and added to the miniature rice fields. When the children are tired of playing with
their play rice fields, later inundate it.
Amid cheering and jests, children watch how the water released from a
nearby body of water utterly wash out their miniature play things. It is from this type of children’s merriment that
is told in a portion of the “bukad di tumitib”.
American writer Roy F Barton translated a part of the “baki” on one of
his books relating how “Ballitok, son of Ma’I’ngit from the “kabun’yan” (sky
world), played “miniature rice fields” with the sons of Ambalit’tayon.
The rice fields become shining
crystals with scattered dots in a distance.
It is during this season in the rice cultivation cycle that children have
the chance of playing in the vast
terraced rice fields. From the endemic
bamboo, children would made variety of toys.
The “pug’ik”. This native toy is made up from the bamboo variety
called “u’go”. That particular bamboo
variety has thin stem walls. Choice materials for this toy are internodes
which is about two to three inches in diameter. From the prepared inter
node, one of the end is open but leaving the other end with its diaphragm
intact. With the use of s sharp pointed
knife, a small hole is carefully bored in the center of the diaphragm. A stick which is about 5 inches longer than
the prepared bamboo inter-node is made. Stripes of old clothes or soft
tree barks are secured in the end of the
stick which is fitted into the open end of the toy. The toy is submerged
in the water to enable the strips of clothes be saturated with water enabling
it to fit snugly inside the inter node. When the closed end of toy is
dipped in the water and the stick pulled back, it siphons water. The toy
is raised up, pushing the stick forward thereby compressing the water.
Water gushes or sprout out from the hole reaching several meters forward.
“Naban’nu’uy in Imbungyaw”, is the scene of those unforgettable moments
of my childhood when we play the “pug’ik”. . We would run after one
another each with his “pug’ik” sprouting water at each other. We
would eventually wet ourselves playing with the native toy. At times we
would stumble and muddied ourselves but it would be one of the best days
we always look ahead”.
The “bul’did” is another toy that
traces its existence to earlier times.
It is equivalent to the present day modern dart. The toy is simply a bamboo node with open
ends. It has a diameter of approximately
one to 2 centimeters. The stem walls are
preferred to be thin. The projectile or bullet is loaded inside the toy and putting
the toy in between the lips, is blown vigorously to propel the bullet. Mongo
seeds are commonly used. Rice grains
could also be used, but have to be surreptitious to avoid being admonished.
With a bigger tube diameter, the “kabba’ung” fruit that looks like beads could
be used as projectiles. A child who expertly
plays with the “buldid” puts a handful of projectiles inside his mouth and with
the use of his tongue, manipulates the loading of the bullets inside the tube
and alternately blows into the tube to discharge the projectile. Depending on the weight of the projectile and
the force of the blow, it reaches several meters and at times could cause
injury.
\
The “buduk’kan” is another toy
invented by the early Ifugao children.
It is made up from the bamboo variety which has a small stem cavity
(approximately 1 – 2 cm) but with thick stem walls. There are two components for the toy. One is an inter-node about more or less a
foot long. The diaphragms are removed to
make the cavity open from end to end.
The other component is a shorter inter-node about four inches long with a
sturdy bamboo stick stuck on the stem cavity.
The stick should fit in the stem cavity; likewise, its length should be
shorter by an half an inch so that the second projectile would not be removed
when it is pushed forward. During earlier times, wild fruits and tender coffee
beans are used as projectile or sealant. When playing with the “buduk’kan”, the
first projectile that serves as the first sealant is fitted into the stem
cavity. Using the other component with
the stick, it is pushed forward to the far end of the toy. Another projectile or sealant is emplaced
like the first one. Pushing it further
would compress the air, thus producing the popping sound. The compressed air propels the first sealant
forward reaching several meters, the second sealant, taking place of the one
that was propelled. Another sealant is
fed inside the tube, hence, repeating the same process. With the availability of paper into the
highlands, children discovered that saturating the paper could also be used as
a sealant. The paper is made into shapes
and fitted into the stem cavity. Using
the component with the stick, the saturated paper is hammered to make a more
fitted sealant.
Buduk’kan
Tops
are spun in an axis while balancing in a point as it rotates in a
circular motion until the gyroscopic effect gradually lessen, finally
causing it to topple. The “pad-di-ing” is the earliest type of top played by Ifugao children. This indigenous top is made up from a spherical
or round shaped fruit about an inch in diameter and a bamboo stick about five inches long. One end of the bamboo stick is
sharpened. The fruit is pierced in the
center until the stick protrudes for about a few centimeters on the opposite
side. The protruding stick would serve
as the point of axis. The toy is spun by clasping the stick with both hands and
in a clock wise – counter-clockwise twisting motion, the toy is finally
released with momentum enabling it to spin on its own. The wild
“lab-labong” or an immature pomelo/orange (tabuyug) is choice fruits for this
toy.
Lab’la’bong tree and fruit
The “Baw-wot” or native tops are endemic
to Ifugao children since earlier times. The native top is made from hard wood variety trees. It is
pear shaped and exceptionally with a conical base. A two inch nail is fitted
in the base leaving approximately half an inch protruding to serve as the axis.
The nail is sharpened to enable the top to spin smoothly (ma’di-ing). A
top with a blunt spin (mun-gal-ga-landok) spins into a pendulum and have s
shorter time in spinning compared to a top which has a sharpened nail (axis).
It is normally played by tightening a cord (alittan) around the body, starting
from the axis up. The other end of the
cord is looped in the player’s middle finger.
The conical tip of the toy should face up before throwing it and jerking
it momentarily as the top is about to disengage from the cord. While spinning on the ground, with the stroke
of the point finger and middle finger would let the spinning top hop on the
player’s palm. Tuwali children call this “tapay-ya-on” meaning letting the top
jump and continue spinning on the player’s palm. While the top is still
spinning, the player with a tilts of his palm and with a jerking motion smash
the spinning top to the group of tops placed inside the circle. Ifugao
children have an array of games using the native top. The most common is gathering all the tops in
the center of a drawn circle. The player
after lacing his top, smashes it into the gathered tops. While the top is in full spin, the player let
the top jump in his palm and smashes the spinning top to his target. Tops thrown out from the circle are returned
to be target in the next round of game.
Only the tops that had not been thrown out in the circle are removed to
join the player on deck. Prior to the
start of the game, players determine their sequence. This is done by targeting a dot drawn on the
ground. The distance of one’s top from the drawn dot manifests their
sequence in playing. Another variety of top game is using the string (alittan)
to loop the top. It is looped in such a
manner that it resembles a medieval flail with the nail pointed towards a right
angle. The player squats or kneels
facing the target, his strong hand holding
“alittan” from the desired length. With a calculated aim, smashes the top into
his target. The force would break and
splinter tops. Other tops that are made
of soft wood would break into two,
considering them losers. At the end of
the game, almost all tops are dilapidated, signaling the kids to start making
another new top. To enhance the color of
the top, it is buried beneath the decaying grass and mud in the rice field for
a couple of days to make it black. This method is called “inil-bog” in the
Tuwali dialect. This particular
toy is immortalized in one of the passages in the “baki” ritual, “bukad di
tumitib”. It is in this occasion that
Bal-lituk, son or Ma’ingit of the sky world and grandson of Amtalao of
Kiyyangan played tops with the children of Ambalittayon. In the “bukad’ (part of oral tradition in a
ritual), it relates how Amtalao gave to his grandson, “Bal’lituk” his top made
up from the core of a “galiw-giwon” tree and how Bal’lituk was too much (na’ma’hig)
to his opponents in the game of tops.
Mun’ba’baw’wot (game of tops)
Early Ifugao practices
animism. They believe in the existence of
deities and numerous supernatural beings.
They also worship the spirit of their dead ancestors and departed loved
ones. This is done through the performance of
rituals by the “mun’baki” or native priests.
Aged old oral traditions of the Ifugaos called “baki” based from the
Ifugao Mythology are invoked in the ritual.
The chicken, pig or
water buffalo (carabao) are the common choice of animals to be offered
depending on the ritual to be performed.
The pig’s bladder is a priced material for a toy ball during earlier
times. Tuwali folks call it “kabu’ut”. After
the prognosis is announced, the carcass is chopped into pieces. A waiting child is nearby to claim the “kabu’ut”. Air is puffed immediately inside the “kabu’ut”. The opening is tied securely as to prevent
the air from escaping. After a few
minutes of air drying, comes a ball. This
ancient tradition, it is not only practiced by the ancient Greeks and Egyptians,
but the early Ifugaos as well.
The Ifugaos are known as
one of the tenacious headhunters of Northern Luzon.
Head hunting victim
Another Head hunting victim
It was only through the governance by the
Americans in the Cordillera that the practice gradually came to an end.
A child by nature learns
the art of spearing which is basically the fatal blow before a head is severed
during head hunting expeditions. Spear
replica made up from reeds, shrubs and tree branches are thrown to a banana
stalk as an imaginary target. As a game,
children would take turn in throwing
his toy spear on the designated target.
The “upak di moma” (betel nut fronds) is another indigenous play thing among the
children. This particular part of the
areca palm, by nature disengages when it matures thereby giving new fronds to
replace the fallen one. When fresh, the sheathing base is soft and
smooth. A mature betel nut frond is normally a foot wide and about 3 to 4
feet in length. It is this fallen frond that the
children gather to be used as a toy in the “gigin-nuyud”. This word literally
comes from the word “guyud” meaning to pull. It is the leathery
soft portion of the frond where the rider compact himself by sitting and
putting his foot together and holding the stripe with both hands. The
other child, who is the puller, pulls the stripe forward and moves
around. At times, there could be two or more puller enabling the native
toy to be towed faster. Likewise, two to three small children could also
compact themselves inside the frond, grasping the other riders by the waist. Only the front
rider holds securely in the stripe.
There are instances when the toy would overturn as it hit a bulge in the
ground sending the riders tumbling on the ground or every player gets wet and
muddy when playing on a rainy day.
Mo’ma, dong’la in the rice fields
The “ak-kad” (hand held stilts) is another indigenous Ifugao toy. It is made from two straight poles of hard
wood variety trees. It is more or less
six feet in length depending on the user.
It is exceptionally bigger in the base (approx 2 – 3 inches in diameter)
and decreases gradually to the top. A
piece of wood is fixed securely at approximately two feet from the base. This serves as the foot support. Smaller children and beginners usually mount
from a platform to enable them to have an easier access to the foot support and
balance. When mounted, the stilter balances himself as he holds the upper
end of the pole while synchronizing his foot, hand and body movement.
Seasoned stilters can negotiate the rice paddy dikes and narrow trails without
much ado.
Early Ifugaos have their
own games of strength. “Bul’tung” or Ifugao native wrestling is primarily a
method of settling boundary disputes on adjacent rice fields and inherited
lands. In the course of the wrestling match, to where the victor
throws and immobilizes the looser would be the new boundary for the disputed
property. It
is however played by young boys and older men alike as a game of proving ones
prowess. This is played by two
opponents. The competitors wearing only the native g-string wrestles each other
until one is pinned and immobilized to the ground. Starting position on this game is holding
the opponent by the g-string. The
belligerents grapple each other until one falls and is immobilized.
“Hin’nukting” is derived from the
“tuwali” word “huk’ting” meaning to bump.
This game of strength is played by two or more players. The players bend one of
his legs towards the buttocks and holding it steadily by the arm. A right
bended leg must be held by the left hand or vice versa. The other free arm must
not dangle but must stay steady at the midriff area. It is however the option of the player
if he holds on to his g-string or shirt to enable his free arm not to
dangle. The player limps with his free leg and balances himself as he poised
forward to engage his opponents. This is
done by pushing or bumping using the shoulders and forearm. A player who
stumbles or falls looses and automatically leaves the arena. A player who loses his grip on the bended
legs is also a looser. The game
initially starts with several players unless it would be a matching game for
two players. On the course of the game,
players who stumble or loses his hold on his bended knees automatically leaves
the matching arena until only one player remains as the winner.
Hin’nuk’ting
Another version of the
“Hin’nukting” is played by players grouped by twos. One of the players straddles at the back of
his partner and wrap his arms just above the shoulder and stretches his legs
forward. The stretched legs are held by firmly and use it to bump and
knock down his opponents. A player looses the game if he stumbles or
fall, loses his hold on the straddled player or a straddled player loses his
hold on his partner.
Another variation of hin’nuk’ting
Sang’gul (arm wrestling)
is another game of strength. This particular sport is played by two players.
Each participant places one arm, either the right or left, on a surface. The player face his opponent with bent elbows
and touching the surface. One version of this sport is that the
competitors start the game by griping each other's hand. Another version
of this is that the participants engage his opponent by interlocking
the forearm. Upon the go signal of a referee, each participant puts
his force on the other until the arm of the opponent is pinned in the surface
with the winner's arm over the loser's arm.
“Dulhi” or middle finger wrestling is another game of
strength. This game is participated by
two individuals who engages his opponent by gripping each other’s middle finger
as the elbow is set on a flat surface. Upon the start signal, the
participants grip the middle finger of his opponent and put his force on the
other until the loser is pinned on the surface. The mechanics of this sport is
similar to the “sangul”.
Spanish rule in the
Philippines starts with the establishment of the first Spanish settlement in
Cebu by Lopez de Legazpi on 13 February 1565 and ended when Spain seceded her
colonies to America on 25 August 1898.
During the three century period rule of Spain in the Philippines, the
highlands of Ifugao remained free from foreign bondage even after the
establishment of the Spanish mission in Kiangan in 1892. In spite of the Spanish presence, the Ifugao
natives continued unhampered in their way of life, customs and traditions.
Mun’u’lut
Mun’ah’hud hi ba’yu (two
pounders)
No schools were
established during that era, with the exception of a few who are taught to read
and write by Spanish
missionaries Juan Villaverde and Julian Malumbres. In 1904, American soldiers introduced the
first formal learning classes in Kiangan.
Other
schools were opened in other areas of the Cordillera, such as this in Benguet.
With the Americans in
control not only the whole cordillera but Ifugao as well, travel to not only to
adjacent villages but to neighboring provinces was made safer.
As a result, new games
were introduced and borrowed. “Tag games” were introduced. This involves a player chasing other
players in an attempt to tag or touch them with the fingers. The one chasing the other players is called
“mang’-nge” in the “tuwali” children’s dialect.
It is equivalent to the “it” in the English language. The
players usually makes an elimination process who would be the “mang’-nge”,
otherwise the last player to join the group automatically becomes the
“it”. The player who is being chased, try to avoid the tag as it
would make him the next “mang’-nge” in the succeeding game. Other “Tag and
Touch” games have the “home base”. It is a pre-designated area, or a
prominent feature in the vicinity where the players are safe from being
tagged. The base could be a line or circle drawn to the ground. It
is also the place where a tagged player may outwit the “it” by running ahead to
the base after being tagged, thus making him free from being the next
“it”.
Inside “abung” (Ifugao Native
house), a child who is blindfolded with the use of old clothes, goes after his
playmates. The other children run about in the four cornered native house
to avoiding being tagged. With shirks and laughter, the “mang-nge” would
eventually be able to tag one of the playmates who will eventually be the “it”
in the succeeding game.
During the 1960’s, one would not
miss the massive rectangular granite table under the avocado trees fronting the
old Kiangan Central School building. It
is to the right, just after negotiating the stone stairs. The granite table, which is more or less two
meters long, a meter wide and a foot thick is placed atop two perpendicular
stone slabs. It is the favorite playpen
for children before the bell rings for children to line up for classes. Children would climb atop the stone table to
play their variation in the “tag game”.
The “it” or “mang-nge” would go under the stone table and emerge
suddenly on the left or right sides trying to tag the feet of anyone up in the
stone table. Children in the stone table
would shriek and laugh while moving to the safe area to avoid the tag. Some would fall as a result of the sudden
surge of the children on a corner. When
a “tag” is made, the one who was tagged gleefully replaces the “it” who joins
the other children atop the granite table.
The process goes on until the bell rings for classes or time for the
pupils to go home.
The “ball tag” is one of the
variations of “tag” games. It is another
popular game among children. It is basically called a “ball tag” since a
thrown ball is used to tag players. Two teams play this game, the
playing team and the opposing team. There is no limit in the number of
players. The playing team position
themselves inside of the playing field while the opposing team positions
themselves at the far ends of the playing field. The game starts when the tag ball is thrown to
the playing team. The players do their best in avoiding the thrown ball, otherwise,
will be obliged to leave the playing field when hit. As the thrown ball reaches the other end, the
playing team runs to the opposite side to maintain a safe distance from the
opposing team who will throw the tag ball at random. The game continues until all the players are
eliminated. This automatically makes the
opposing team the playing team and vice versa.
During summer, the playing ground is elaborately marked with charcoal or
at times a line is etched on the ground.
“Pin’nung’pung” is the traditional “hide and seek” children’s game in
English. It is a game wherein the players
conceal themselves in the environment, and to be found by the lone
"seeker" who is the “mang’nge”. The home base is usually a landmark
or prominent terrain feature. It is the place where the seeker starts the
game by leaning in the home base (wall, post, tree trunk) and burying his eyes
in the back of his palm while counting.
After counting some numbers, the “mang’nge” shouts in a warning, “umali’yak”
(I’m coming). The player (hider) who has
not concealed himself yet, answers, “in’dani” (just a moment). The “it” repeats, “umali’yak” , several times
and when no one answers, finally shouts, “umaliyak man mo” (I’m coming
now). The “it” leaves the home base and
goes about seeking for the concealed players.
The “seeker” shouts, “pung” affixing the name of the player who was
compromised and makes a dash to the home base, tagging it and shouting
“save”. The “seeker” continues looking for all the other players until everyone
is accounted. A “hider” who had been compromised could outwit the “it” by
running ahead and tagging the home base it before the “it” makes a tag. This special situation makes the “it” still
the “it” in the repletion of the game. The
only way to reverse the status of the “it” is to successfully locate all the
players and tagging the home base ahead before any player could make a
tag. In this situation, the first
“hider” to be compromised automatically becomes the “mang’nge” in the
succeeding game.
“Pi’pin’nal’lat’tug”
is a variation of the “hide and seek” game.
Children playing this game are divided into two groups, each with a
leader who selects the members. The players,
upon the start of the game, scamper to their respective “start” areas and blend
with the environment. Then move
cautiously towards the direction of the opposing team to locate and compromise them.
The player, who sees an an opposing player, shouts the traditional “pung” and
affixing the name of the one compromised (i.e. – pung, Dumayyahon). The one, who was compromised, automatically comes
out in the open and announces his status.
All players who are compromised proceeds to the base area. After everyone is accounted for, the
succeeding game starts with the swapping of start area. This game is played as a war game and in the
absence or scarcity of toy guns during earlier times, the children uses
indigenous native materials as replica, depending on the user’s imagination.
The banana plant or “ba’lat” in the
“tuwali” dialect is the largest herb flowering plant that grows 6 to 7.6 meters
tall depending on the variety. The banana produces a single bunch of fruit
and slowly decomposes after harvest. Several offshoots however grow from
the plant which replaces the former plant. It is through the resourcefulness of
early natives by diverting the flow of water with the use of the banana stem
sheaths to make instant water showers.
This is called the “tud’de in the “tuwali” dialect. Through the
ingenuity of children, variety of play things is made from the fallen banana
trunk. The “bal’bal’le” (play house) is
primarily made up from materials taken from the banana. After the basic structure of a play house is
made in place, banana stem sheaths are laid for
the roof. Inter-lapping the stem
sheaths enables the roof to be resistant from the rain and sunlight. Another
set of banana sheaths are placed for the walls. Covering the ground with
banana leaves makes a perfect cool play pen where children spend the rest of
the day cooking and playing. Banana leaves could also be used
for the roofing and walls of a play house.
The children organized themselves as members of the family such
as father, mother and children.
Customarily, the eldest boy and girl shall act as the father and mother
respectively. Younger children represent other members of the family and
are sent for errands. Food, water and other necessities are normally foraged
from homes of the players. Cooking food and other house chores are mimicked
inside the playhouse. The frolic of playing “bal-bal-le” would at times
last until dusk until parents come looking for the children. From the banana core (bu’ngol), children
will fashion the body of a four wheel vehicle. The round banana core is cut diagonally for
the wheels while the axle is made up from reeds or twigs. It is fastened on the body by twigs. When everything is ready, a twine is tied
securely on the toy truck. Children
would line up, each towing his toy.
Round and round in the neighborhood, the toy trucks would be towed,
unmindful of the time passage.
A rubber band is made up from rubber and latex. It comes in the shape of a loop and in
different colors. It is typically used to bind objects. With the
appearance of the rubber band in the high lands, children used it in varieties games. Tuwali children call it “kal’lat”. Under the Ifugao native house (da’ulon),
children would play “ti’tin’nuduk hi kal’lat”.
“Ti’tin’nuduk” literally comes from the borrowed Ilocano word “tu’duk”
meaning to penetrate or pierce an object.
It is synonymous to the “tuwali” word “tu’wik” but the game was never
called “tu’tu’wik”. With an equal amount
of rubber band from each participant, one of the players, burry it inside the
dust or soil gathered into a mound.
Then one after the other, each player, with the use of a coconut midrib
or “ba’ing, pierces or penetrates the mound for the hidden rubber band. Rubber bands that are caught by the midrib
are won by the player. Other rubber
bands that have been uncovered are hidden back into the mound before the
succeeding player takes his turn. The piercing or penetrating of the mound for
the hidden rubber band goes on until all the rubber bands are won. The game continues until most of the rubber
band are won or until one of the players lost all his rubber band in the game
of “ti’tin’nu’duk”.
“Pin-nuk-puk” is another children’s
game using the rubber band. It comes
from the borrowed Ilocano word “puk’puk” meaning to beat on a platform. Two players would sit by the floor or bench
and move two rubber bands towards each other by beating alternately their
closed palm on the flat surface where the rubber bands are placed. As a result, air emanated from the closed
palm moving the rubber band forward. A player wins over the other
when he successfully over lapped his rubber band on his opponent’s rubber
band.
Hin-nap-ud comes from the “Tuwali”
word “hap-ud” meaning to blow. Two players lay in prone position facing
each other on a flat surface, preferably in the wooden floor. Their respective rubber bands placed a few
inches away from the mouth. Taking
turns, each player blows vigorously on the rubber band enabling it to move
forward. The player wins when he
successfully over lapped his rubber bahnd on his opponent’s rubber band.
Each player contributes an equal
number of rubber band. The
collected rubber band is randomly divided into two parts and then are looped
together. Using their foot, the players
take turns in unloosing the rubber bands. A player could stomp, kick or make any foot
movement that could unloose the rubber bands.
Rubber bands that separate individually from the looped are won by the
player. Rubber bands that had separated
from the loop but still connected are not considered won. The game of untying the looped rubber band
continues until all the rubber bands placed on the bet are won. Children possessing several rubber bands,
loop it to make a chain like figure.
A marble is a small spherical toy
made from glass. It is about ½
inches in diameter and comes in strange combination of swirling colors
inside. Ifugao children call it “bulintik” or
“holen” corrupted from the non-Ifugao word “jolens”. It is traditionally
used in variety of games. Basically, it
is played by knocking the other players’ marble by holding it between
the bent index finger and the knuckle of the thumb. Then with a calculated aim,
flips it towards the target by the straightening action of the thumb.
One of the common marble games
starts from a line etched in the ground as the starting point. Four small holes of approximately 2 - 3
centimeters wide and a centimeter deep are dug in the ground after the drawn
line. The distances of each hole is
measured by a player connecting the left and right foot, then marking the spot
for the hole. To determine their order
of succession in the game, the players flip their marbles one at a time on the
first hole. The nearest to the hole or
the one who shoots his marble into the hole automatically becomes the first player
followed in succession based on the distances of marbles. A tie is broken by repeating the process;
however the rematch would be vying for the sequence which the two had a tie,
the other placed ahead before the looser.
From the starting line, the first
player flips his marble on the first hole and continues the course until he failed
to shoot his marble in the targeted hole.
This is the only time the next player starts or continues his course. As a rule, the players arriving at the
fourth hole, reverses towards the third, second and first hole. In the course of the game, a player after
making a successful shoot can hit other marbles of his choice. In this process, marbles that are hit are
obliged to start again on the first hole.
Every hit is equivalent to a shoot; hence a player who is the second
hole shall omit the third hole in the process.
That player would proceeds to the fourth hole as his next target. A player who has two hits would be exempted
for two successive holes. The player who completes shooting his marble on all
the holes is the winner. The elimination
of the players as winners continues until only one player is left – the one who
is unable to complete the course and now the looser. The looser shall be punished by every player.
The common punishment is to let all winners
hit the loser’s marble while the latter positions his marble in every hole after
a successful hit. What is taxing is that
the looser goes after his marble which is propelled in a distance after a
hit. Other punishment includes hitting
the clenched fist of the looser with a marble flipped by the winners.
Another variation starts by each
player putting equal amount of marbles in the center of the drawn circle. From the drawn line, players take turns in
knuckling out the marbles out from the circle.
A marble thrown out from the circle is considered a win. Marbles that remain inside the circle are
targets for players. The game continues
until all the marbles are won.
“Kandiling” is another popular game for children. This game is predominantly played by girls. It is an ancient game, each geographical place
have a native name for it. It is similar
to the English “hopscotch”. It is a
game played in a course through a pattern drawn or etched on the ground. The pattern is divided into several
geometrical figures. Players use aiming
markers, usually a small flat object such as stones or pebbles, in playing the
game. Starting the game, the players
aim their markers in a line drawn in a distance to determine the sequence of
players. The player whose marker touches
the line or closest to the line is the first player. The one farthest from the line automatically
becomes the last player. Players hitting
the same mark or distance from the drawn line will have to compete again to
break the tie. The first player tosses
her marker into the first square and continues traversing the course unless a
rule is violated. It involves hopping,
straddling moving the marker in the pattern using the foot. Other players, who are always on the lookout
for violations, caution the player to stop if a rule is violated. Common rules that apply to the game are: the marker should land inside the targeted
pattern without touching the lines and it should not bounce out from the
pattern. A player should not step in
any drawn line or traverses outside the pattern. In a certain sequence of the course, the player looks up denying the visual guide
on the pattern. A player who completes
the course is entitled to throw her marker in the pattern. She marks the pattern where her marker falls. The player who has more marked pattern is the
winner.
“Shiatong” is a game since ancient times. In the course of time, this game found its
way into the hinterlands of present day Ifugao. This game is played by teams or
individual players. Two sticks are
required in this game. A stick which is
more or less a foot long and a shorter one approximately 4 to 6 inches long. An
elongated hole, about two inches wide, three to four inches long and two inches
deep is dug in the ground. This serves
as the base. The base player is the
player who is in the vicinity of the base hole doing the courses of the
game. The opposing players are the rest
of the players who position themselves a few meters away facing the base. The opposing players are on the guard trying
to catch or hit the shorter stick propelled by the base player. There are basic rules for the changing of the
base player: one; If the propelled stick in any stage of the
game is hit by the opposing players, two; if the horizontally laid stick on the
base hole is hit by the shorter stick thrown by the opposing players and three;
if the base player misses to hit his shorter stick in any stage. In this case, the shorter stick will just fall
in front of the player instead of propelling forward. Before starting the game,
the players determine their sequence.
One at a time, each player puts the shorter stick in an angle inside the
elongated hole. The other end of the
stick must be protruding. Using the
longer stick, the player hits the end of the shorter stick. The inertia makes the
stick leaps into the air. The action of
the player must be instantaneous as he must hit it while it is in midair. The short stick must be propelled in a
distance to have a score. Using the longer stick, the player measures the
distance from the point where the short stick is up to the base hole. The player who will have the most number of
measurements automatically becomes the first player. Relatively, this is how the third stage of
the game is played.
Starting the game (stage one), the base player positions
himself near the elongated hole. Then
arranges his shorter stick horizontally over the hole. Bending low, and in a wedging motion,
propels it forward to the direction of the opposing players. The other players try to catch or hit the
propelled stick. If the short stick is
hit or caught, changing of base player rules apply. However, if it was not caught or hit, the
shorter stick is picked up and thrown back targeting the shorter stick was laid
horizontally over the base hole. If the
shorter stick is hit, changing of base player applies. If it is not, the base player proceeds with
stage two. The base player picks up the
shorter stick. Holding it by the edge
(either horizontally or vertically) and hitting it to propel forward. Rule of the game apply. If the shorter stick is not caught or hit,
the base player stands on guard near the base hole holding the longer stick
ready to hit back the short stick which will be thrown back by the opposing
players. If the base player misses the
thrown stick and the stick fell near the base hole, changing of base player
applies. This is so especially if the
short stick fell near the elongated hole and the distance is too near to make a
measurement for a score. However, if the
stick fell further away enabling the base player to measure a score, he
continues to stage three. This is
practically a good score for the player if he was able to hit thrown stick in
midair and propelled it further away to enabling to make a measure for the score. Stage three is described in the mode of
determining the players’ sequence in the game.
A player who finishes the stages of the game is not a win yet. Individual scores is the factor in winning
this game. It however depends on the
agreement of the players for one of them the reach an agreed score before all
scores are tabulated. The player who
garnered the most score is the winner while the least automatically is the
looser. As punishment for the looser,
the short stick is propelled forward as in stage two by the winner(s). The looser would then pick up the stick and
run towards the base shouting “shaaaaa” continuously without interruption. Arriving at the base hole, the looser would
then briefly add “tong” while briskly putting down the stick to the hole, thus culminating
the punishment. While serving the
punishment, the punished player should inhale then controls the exhalation of
his breath while shouting “shaaaa” to enable one not to be out of breath before
completion of the punishment. A stoppage
in the word “shaaa” is noticeable since the player will have to pause to
inhale. At this point the player being
punished would stop where his shout is interrupted. The winner would again
propel the stick forward as in Stage two.
The loosing player is obliged to repeat the punishment until he
completes the punishment without interruption on the word “shaaa” which he
shouts while running towards the base hole.
Then reaching the base hole, the punished shouts “tong”, completing the
word “shatong”, while simultaneously shooting the short stick into the base
hole.
Today, most of the ethnic games in Ifugao are either
a thing of the past or games rarely played.
The “kabu’ut”, “gi’gin’nuyud” using the betel nut frond (u’pak di mo’ma),
children practicing spear throwing in a banana trunk or fern tree
(kati’bang’lan), pug’ik, buduk’kan, bul’did and many other games are not played
any more. Hunting as a sport or pastime using
the spear is now obsolete. The sling
shot or “lat’tik” came in as a substitute weapon for hunting but is now
replaced by the present day compressed air rifles which are now the fad of
hunters aside from small caliber firearms which are commonly used. Other traditions such as the “mang’dut” or
gathering shells and crustaceans in an open rice field are dwindling. The “dol’ak” was replaced by the potent and
destructive insecticides. This
contributed to the rapid destruction of the environment. Several plants that grow abundantly in the
rice fields, fishes, crustaceans and birds became endangered or were never seen
again. An example is the beautiful
colored bird called “ti’wad” that only appear during the season of “kiwang” and
“ahi’tu’nod (planting season). Just like
the old Ifugao “talindak” that is worn by farmers to protect themselves from
rain, would be a miracle if you see it today.
Talin’dak (equivalent to the
present day poncho
And before I reached my teens, the “yakayak” which
is used by earlier folks to catch fish, tadpoles and other freshwater edibles
was already extinct.
Ya’ka’yak
Thanks to the early Americans who built schools thus
introducing literacy to in Ifugao. This
was followed by Early Belgian Missionaries.
Today, present day games such as basketball, volleyball and others games
are played in schools and communities. With
the availability of video games in the high lands of Ifugao, it
is virtually everywhere, from homes, arcades, and school. It is a fact that
computer game, particularly those that involves violence gives a negative
influence to the growing child. Unlike
the old traditional games that promotes family and community ties. Moreover, it gives a positive influence to
the development of a growing child.
Whatever the future game be, the Ifugao children is prepared to adopt
and be a part of it.
My thanks to the various Ifugao cyber forums with whom I copied
the pictures
Malpao, Kiangan, Ifugao
16 February 2013
